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Seeteufel
Joined: 10 Aug 2005
Posts: 206
Location: Hamburg
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 Posted: Fri Sep 02, 2005 4:20 pm Post subject: U-Boat War Diaries / stories |
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| Quote: | The journey to America of the "U 53 " is a splendid testimonial to the perseverance of the crew and the high quality of the material. On September 11 this U-boat received orders to lie off the American coast about the time when the U-merchant boat Bremen was expected to arrive at New London (North America), in order to search for and attack enemy ships which, in all probability, would be waiting there for the submarine merchantman. After completing this task, the boat was to call at Newport, Rhode Island, but was to leave again after a few hours at most, so as to give the American authorities no excuse or occasion to detain her. There was to be no replenishment of supplies, with the possible exception of fresh victuals. If no enemy warships were met with, she was to carry on commercial war according to Prize Law off the American coast.
On September 17 the boat started on her outward voyage from Heligoland. In the North Sea she had very heavy weather. There was a S.S.W. gale and such high seas that the men on watch on the conning tower of the boat were up to their necks in water all the time.
The supplies of the boat had had to be increased so as to make the voyage possible. Four ballast tanks were altered for use as fuel tanks, so that the oil supply was increased from 90 cb. m. to 150 cb. m.; the supply of lubricating oil of, 14½ cb. m. was considered sufficient for the voyage. Added to this, there was the increase in fresh water and food supplies, so that the boat's draught was increased by 40 c.m. So far as her sea-going qualities were concerned, her commander reported that the boat rode very steadily on the whole, but that every sea went over her upper deck, even when the force of the wind was only 4; from almost every direction spray flew over the bridge. Consequently for those on duty on the bridge, the voyage, especially at first, was a tremendous strain. The commander did not think that the officers and petty officers would be able to stand it (the rubber suits that had to be worn almost daily for the first fortnight were not watertight), and he would have turned back if the weather had not improved soon after September 24.
The route for the voyage out had been chosen to run from the most northerly point of the Shetland Islands, which they passed on September 20, straight to the Newfoundland Bank, so as to remain on the northern side of the usual belt of low barometric pressure. Weather conditions were uncertain and changeable. There was often a very high and very steep swell, in which the boat pitched heavily. They, however, experienced following winds nearly all the time, which were favourable for journey. After reaching the Newfoundland Bank, the boat, was carried vigorously to the west by the Labrador current. On the whole the health of the crew was good, until they were nearing Newfoundland Bank. Then a number were attacked with headache and sickness, which is said to be a common occurrence in these parts.
On October 7 the boat lay before Long Island Sound. No war ships were encountered. At 3 P.M. the commander entered the harbour of Newport, Rhode Island, accompanied by an American submarine, which had joined him on the way, and there he paid official visits to Admiral Knight and the commander of torpedoboats, Admiral Gleaves. He wrote in his diary:
"The former received me very coolly, and said that the Bremen, as far as he knew, had been sighted about 10 days before between Newfoundland and New York. [That was not correct, as the Bremen never reached America.] Admiral Knight obviously thought it most desirable that the ' U 53 ' should leave again the same evening. If I had not announced that such was my intention, I think I should have been given a pretty broad hint on the subject.
"Admiral Gleaves was very friendly and much interested; he inquired about all particulars of the voyage. The adjutants of both admirals returned my visit. At 4.30 P.M. Admiral Gleaves himself came to inspect the boat. I took him over her, as, earlier in the day, I had done several young officers. More than anything else the Diesel engines roused envious admiration. Many officers came on board with their ladies, as did civilians, reporters, and one photographer. The crew received all sorts of little presents. At 5.30 P.M. we weighed anchor. Proceeded to sea at 6.30 P.M. Trial dive. Course, Nantucket Lightship; 270 revolutions equivalent to 9 knots."
Nantucket Lightship was reached on October 8 at 5.30 A.M, Very clear, calm weather prevailed. The commander decided to examine the merchant traffic outside territorial waters and to wage cruiser warfare.
At this meeting-point of so many trade routes, the boat was able to stop seven steamers in the course of the day, and after the crews had in every case left the ship, she sank the British steamer Strathdene from Glasgow (4,321 tons), the Norwegian steamer Chr. Knutsen (3,378 tons) with gasolene destined for London, the British steamer Westpoint (3,847 tons), the Dutch steamer Blommersdyk (4,850 tons), whose whole cargo consisted of absolute and conditional contraband. According to an American certificate, the Blommersdyk, before reaching her destination, was to call at Kirkwall (in the Orkney Islands, a British examining station for merchant steamer traffic). In his log the commander reports as follows:
"Meanwhile, in this narrow space besides the two steamers— there was an English passenger boat as well, the Stefano, from Liverpool, 3,449 tons, which had already been stopped and was disembarking her crew—and the ' U 53 ' sixteen American destroyers had assembled, so that we had to manœuvre with the greatest care. While I was towing back the boat of the Blommersdyk, which had brought the officer with her papers, ' U 53 ' got so near an American destroyer that we had to reverse with both engines to avoid a collision. We cleared one another by about 50 m. When reversing, I cast my tow loose, and her crew did not return to the Blommersdyk at all, but went straight on board a destroyer. I had told the officer that the crew would be given twenty-five minutes in which to disembark —till 6.30 P.M. To make sure that no one should be hurt, he was to haul down his flag to show that no one was left on board. Then I approached the passenger steamer to examine her papers, or, in case she had not yet lowered a boat, to dismiss her forthwith out of consideration for the passengers. I had already given orders for the signal, ' You can proceed,' when I realised that the steamer had been abandoned and all on board accommodated on an American destroyer. I then returned to the Blommersdyk. By means of a siren and calling through a megaphone I made sure that no one was left on board. A destroyer which lay very near the steamer was asked by Morse signal to move away a little, so that the ship might be sunk. This the destroyer did at once. Hit with torpedo, a depth of 4 m. in hold 4. The steamer was then sunk by a second torpedo."
The passenger steamer Stefano was then also sunk. At 10.30 P.M. the boat began her return voyage. Though it would have been very desirable to extend our activities off the American coast as long as possible, yet any further delay would have endangered the whole enterprise because of the fuel supply; for during the short stay at Newport, the boat, in accordance with the general instructions issued to her, had taken in no supplies of any kind. For the return voyage we counted on a consumption of fuel of 60 cb. m., and a certain reserve was allowed in the event of head winds and storms. That this precaution was necessary is proved by the fact that although the weather as far as the Shetlands was very favourable, the boat arrived at Heligoland with only 14.5 cb.m. of fuel. For the return voyage the longer route via Fastnet Rock was chosen. In so doing, the unsettled weather conditions that had been encountered in the higher latitudes on the voyage out were avoided; also on this southern side of the belt of low barometric pressure there was less fear of head winds than in the north. After waiting twenty hours at the S.E. corner of the Newfoundland Bank to weather a storm, the boat proceeded with little delay as far as the Hebrides, passing through an area of high pressure (770 mm.) accompanied by a steady west wind. The route then followed was round the Shetland Islands. On October 28, at 3 P.M., the boat entered the harbour at Heligoland. It had covered a distance of 7,550 sea miles and had only stopped once for two and a half hours in Newport. When the boat arrived at Wilhelmshaven next day, I was able to assure myself by personal observation that all her crew were in excellent condition. They might well be proud of their eminent, seaman-like, and technical achievement.. |
| Quote: | ...Let us follow this same Lieut.-Commander Rose on his "U 53 " on a cruise, during which he waged war according to Prize Law, as still had to be done in January, in pursuance of the instructions issued, before the introduction of the unrestricted U-boat campaign. I will quote his log, omitting what is not of general interest:—
"January 20th, 1917.—Left Heligoland. Wind east, force 8, cloudless, clear. Route via Terschelling Lightship to Nordhinder Lightship.
"January 21st. - Sank to the bottom, 38 m. Conversation (by submarine telephone) with ' U 55.' 6.30 P.M., dark, starless night, wind east, 3-4. Started on normal course.
"January 22nd.—11 A.M. Sank French sailing ship Anna (150 gr.t.) by thirteen rounds of gun-fire; cargo, road-metalling. 9 P.M., South of Lizard Head. ' U 55 ' reports station. As the presence of U-boats in the Channel is thereby betrayed, tried to report on own station and intentions (valuable for 'U 55 '). Immediately after heard very loud British convoy signals and then the warning, ' German submarine 37 miles south of Lizard.' That could only apply to ' U 53.' 11.40 P.M., south of the Wolf Rock, two ships with many lights, little way, and changing courses at a distance of about 6 sea miles from one another. Apparently guiding ships to show entrance to Channel. After prolonged observation, steered west between the two.
"January 23, 12.5 A.M.—A big cargo steamer approaching with a course of 90 degrees. At some distance behind several lights; probably one of the expected convoys. Two officers of mercantile marine who are on board think the ship to be British of about 4,500 gr.t. She is fully laden. Started attack on surface. At first attempt a miss, at second a hit, port amidships. The steamer stops, sinks lower, gets a list, keeps on burning blue lights, then lowers boats. Left soon as further action impossible. Did not observe the sinking of the badly damaged ship. Passed several guardships with different lights. One of them on a course towards the scene of disaster. Let her searchlight play there for a short time. The guiding ships have gone on or put out their lights.
"6.40 A.M.—A steamer with bright lights and funnels lit up steers a zigzag course. She seems to be waiting. Sent Morse message to steamer in English. She is Dutch, with oilcake for Rotterdam. Dismissed steamer before dawn.
"2 P.M.—Avoided a ' Foxglove ' (new type of British U-boat chaser) and the steamer accompanying it.
" 11 P.M.—Avoided a guardship. She carried steamer lights on forestay to appear bigger.
"January 24,—12 midnight. A smaller steamer, arranged for carrying passengers, steers 200 degrees. Flag illuminated, but not recognisable. Obviously a neutral. Sheered off.
" 7 A.M.—A steamer, course 250 degrees, approached, pretending to be a French outpost ship. She is a neutral tank steamer. Sheered off.
"8.30 A.M.—Wind east, but swell; cloudy in parts, visibility good. Dived on account of an airship approaching from the east; it may be a captive balloon broken loose. Voyage under water to the neighbourhood of Ushant (French island at the western end of the Channel).
" 2 P.M.—Wind east, force 7-8. Rose to surface.
"3.15 P.M.—Small sailing ship in sight in southerly direction. Owing to high seas, no opportunity to attack.
" 10 P.M.—Wind east, 6-7, swell. Absolutely impossible to fire at night. A lot of water comes over. Dived. Voyage to presumptive meeting place near Ushant.
"January 25, 6.30 A.M.—Wind south-east, force 7-8, position Ushant, 50 sea miles to east. Hove to. Waiting off Ushant. A small sailing ship about 30 sea miles west of Ushant. Left her unmolested because of heavy sea. Not possible to fire at night because of high seas. Visibility bad, therefore dived for night journey.
"January 26.—Weather unchanged. Dived for night journey.
"January 27, 3 A.M.—Wind east, force 8. Visibility bad. Snow from 11 A.M. Boat rolls more and more. Depth 34 m. Position not fixed. Stood out to sea at low speed.
5 P.M.—North of Ushant. Wind, force 10, swell. Sighted large steamer of about 200 tons, so far as can be seen, armed fore and aft. Gave way, as impossible to fire at the time and no improvement in weather to be expected for next few hours. Steamer going slow; was painted grey. Apparently one of bigger guardships. Dived for night journey.
"January 28, 8 A.M.—Came to surface north of Ushant. Wind E.S.E., force 6.
"6.30 P.M.—Inspected Spanish steamer Nueva Montana, of Santander, 2,000 gr.t., from under water, then stopped her with shot. Cargo, iron ore to Newcastle. Crew on board took boats in tow. Set fire to three explosive bombs in engine-room. Steamer sinks slowly, deeper and deeper. As all buoyancy chambers are connected, her sinking only a matter of time. When last seen, the swell was pouring over the after part of the ship. Took crew as far as 12 sea miles west of Ushant; left boats there.
"January 29, 7 A.M.—Danish steamer Copenhagen, cargo, coal from Newcastle to Huelva. Examined and dismissed.
"6 P.M.—Steamer Algorta, 2,100 gr.t., from Segund with iron ore for Stockton. Inspected from under water, then stopped by shot. Took crew in tow. Sank steamer with four explosive bombs.
"10.15 P.M.—Cast off boats in neighbourhood of medium-sized steamer steering about 240 degrees. Called up steamer by star shell.
" January 30.—Course, 340 degrees. Intend activity for next two days in neighbourhood of Scilly Isles. Nothing in sight. At dusk, south of Scilly Isles, steamed on towards Lizard, distance 8 sea miles. Encountered no commercial traffic, only guardships southwest and west of the Scillys.
"January 31, 9 A.M.—Stopped Dutch steamer Boomberg, about 1,600 gr.t. Coal from Cardiff for Las Palmas; dismissed her.
" 10 A.M.—Stopped Spanish steamer Lorida, about 1,600 gr.t Cargo, coal from Cardiff to Cadiz. Dismissed her.
"2.30 P.M.—Stopped Norwegian steamer Hickla, 524 gr.t. Cargo, pit props for Cardiff. Set steamer on fire. Crew sails for Scilly Islands.
"5.30 P.M.—Stopped a smallish steamer, steering 175 degrees, coming from astern. Steamer returns fire at 80 hectometres from gun of at least 8 cm. calibre. Her shots fall short, but are well aimed.
"6 P.M.—Ceased gunfire after about forty rounds. Distance increased to bounds of visibility, then tried to keep touch at full speed. In dusk steamer gets out of sight and cannot be found again.
" 11.50 P.M.—Weather calmer, bright moon. Clear. Stopped Danish motor-boat Falstria, about 4,000 gr.t., from Far East via Dartmouth. Ship in order; ship dismissed.
"February 1.—West of Ushant. Steamed all day over field of search; nothing in sight.
"February 2, 5 A.M.—Attacked with bronze torpedo a large fully laden steamer, about 2,000 t., steering 170 degrees. No marks of neutrality. Hit amidships. Steamer stops; lights go out. No movement or work discernible on deck. After half an hour steamer still afloat. Will probably sink, as she is badly damaged.
"4 P.M.—Near Bishop Rock stopped a French old square-rigged schooner, Anna Maria, from St. Malo, about 150 gr.t., by using signal ' Abandon ship.' After a time the mate came on board in a little rowing boat without a keel. The crew try with boots and cups to keep the boat more or less dry. In consideration of the impossibility of rescuing the crew in this boat, the ship was allowed to continue her journey. The mate gave a written promise in the name of the crew not to go to sea any more during this war. The cargo of the ship consisted of salt and wine.
"February 3.—West of the Scillys. Wind east, force 2. 8 A.M., stopped Norwegian steamer Rio de Janeiro, 2,800 gr.t. Wheat, linseed, oil cakes, tan for Copenhagen and Christiana. Steamer dismissed.
" 11 A.M.—Submarine attack on American steamer Housatonic, 2,443 t. Then rose to surface and stopped steamer. Cargo 3,862 tons of wheat from New York for London. Fired bronze torpedo from first tube to sink steamer. The torpedo slips half out of the tube without leaving it. It starts to go, and we can hear the engine running slowly. The boat is stopped. Watertight doors closed. After some time detonation under the boat, without any turmoil of water or column of smoke. The torpedo has left the tube and obviously sunk and exploded at the bottom, at a depth of 110 m. A few rising air bubbles indicate that the airchamber must have separated owing to pressure as the depth of water increased. Steamer sunk by bronze torpedo from 4th tube. Took boats in tow and handed them over to a guardship which was called up by two shots. When retreating from the guardship, which came up at once, we met ' U 60.' ' U 60 ' dives. I intend to draw the guardship past ' U 60.' Guardship sheers off, rescues crew of American boats which ' U 53 ' asked her by wireless to do. ' U 60' dives. Exchange of reports with ' U 60.'
"February 4, 12.5 A.M.—With gunfire and explosive bombs sank French barque Aimée Marie, from St. Servant, 327 gr.t.; cargo, salt and wine for home port. Crew rows to Scilly Isles. Owing to the extraordinary lightness of the night, avoided darkened guardships. Meeting and exchange of reports with ' U 83.'
10 A.M.—Sank with two explosive bombs schooner Bangpuhtis, from Windau, 259 gr. t., and ballast from St. Nazaire for Cardiff. Crew sails for Scilly Islands.
"4 P.M.—Examined Norwegian three-master Manicia, 1,800 gr.t., from Rosano with linseed for Rotterdam, and dismissed her. Ship at sea since December 1.
" February 5, 12.30 A.M.—Wind east, estimated force, 5-6. Surface attack on steamer on which all except navigating lights are out, no lights as distinguishing marks, estimated at 3,000 gr.t. Armament cannot be discerned. On attacking became convinced that size of steamer has been over-estimated. When sheering off recognise Swedish distinguishing marks. Stop steamer by white star-shell and Morse lamp signals. Steamer answers no signal and makes no other sign. After a time steams at full speed out to sea. Stopped anew by two shots. She does not answer Morse signals. Circled round steamer till dawn. By daylight found she was steamer Bravalla, 1,519 gr.t. By flag-signals she announced her port of destination as Liverpool, cargo, nuts. If sunk at that spot crew would have been lost. Impossible to tow boats owing to high seas. Therefore gave steamer signal ' Follow.' Further signals giving exact instructions as to behaviour when ship was to be sunk later on, were cut off because as soon as she understood the first words ' I am going to sink you,' she hauled down the answering signal and took no further notice. On the way I had to force the steamer to obedience again, as she tried to sheer off. The sea gradually decreases. Shelter owing to neighbourhood of land perceptible. A guardship is sighted. Signal to Bravalla, ' Abandon ship.' She does nothing. Not till four minutes later, when the gun is trained on her, does she hoist the answering signal. A shot before her bows, then one in her forecastle. Steamer lowers boats. Ceased fire. When the boats had hove to, opened fire again. Difficult to aim owing to rolling of boat and target. There is a very heavy hail squall. Steamer hit several times, but does not sink. Although no one is left on board the engines keep going with fewer revolutions. Guardship approaches to a distance of about 40 hectometres, opens fire: dived. Sank steamer by a torpedo, guardship meanwhile rescued Swedish crew."
And so on. These extracts should suffice to show under what difficulties the boats worked so long as they had to consider the neutrality of steamers, and it also shows how many opportunities for sinking ships in the blockaded areas were lost. |
Last edited by Seeteufel on Sat Sep 10, 2005 5:37 am; edited 3 times in total |
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Seeteufel
Joined: 10 Aug 2005
Posts: 206
Location: Hamburg
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| Posted: Fri Sep 02, 2005 4:36 pm Post subject: |
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| Quote: | To illustrate other kinds of U-boat activities in the restricted U-boat campaign, we will quote from other logs. The first extract is from the log of a U-C-boat that had orders to lay mines along the east coast of England.
"December 13, 1916.—Various vessels to be seen ahead, among them one lying with lights out, which I took to be a destroyer. Dived to avoid danger. Broke through guard-line under water.
" 9.25 A.M.—Rose to surface. Continued journey on surface. Sighted several steamers which, coming from the south, seemed to be making for the same point as I. It gradually grew very misty, which made it impossible to fix position. Presumed we were near land, as the sea grew calm, the water was dirty yellow in colour, and there was a strong smell of coal dust. After diving quickly several times to avoid steamers, continued under water 270 degrees (course west).
" 1 P.M.—Sighted strong, surf on starboard bow. A wall was dimly visible above, and over that a big factory, with several chimneys. At the same time the boat touched the bottom at 10 m. Reversed course, and as I was quite uncertain of ship's position, resolved to rise to surface to get my bearings above water. Hardly opened hatch of conning tower when I see about 600 m. to port at 2.14 P.M. a large destroyer with three funnels and two masts, passing at about 20 knots on a course N.N.W. She seemed to have appeared quite suddenly out of the mist and not to have seen me yet. Dived to 16 m.
"2.20 P.M. —As many steamers were in sight and visibility still bad, gave up intention of finding ship's position. Lay at the bottom, 23 m. water. Boat lay very unsteady; repeatedly heard the noise of screws above me.
"5 P.M.—Dusk. Northerly swell. Rose to 10 m. As it was getting dark and no ships were to be seen, rose to surface to re-charge and pump in air; stood out to sea a bit.
" 5.42 P.M. Several steamers coming from direction of land towards me. Dived.
"6 P.M.—Very dark night. Rose to surface as darkness had fallen completely. The steamers were coming from west by south. So I concluded that the entrance to the harbour must be in the direction from which they came. The course led towards a darkened light, which now and then sent a ray up vertically. On approaching I see the end of the breakwater. The pilot thought he could recognise this as the entrance to the Tyne. As the night was very dark I decided to go close up to the breakwater. First I made for the northern breakwater; just before reaching it I turned to starboard so as to get a bit farther north. In so doing the boat ran aground north of the northern breakwater. Both engines reversed full steam. Boat slipped off.
"6.42 P.M.—Turned hard-a-starboard to 160. Close to the end of the northern breakwater the first mine dropped. Then turned slowly to starboard so as to get as near as possible to the southern breakwater. When this was in sight at a distance of about 80—100 m., turned sharply, let the last mine fall and stood out to open sea, go degrees (course east)." |
| Quote: | How much more difficult it was for our U-boats to attack when the steamers travelled in convoys, appears from the following extract from the log of "U 82," commanded by Lieutenant-Commander Hans Adam:
"September 19, 1917, 3.19 P.M.—I shot past the bows of this steamer towards steamers 4 and 5. Steamer 4 I hit. Steamer 2 had hoisted a red flag, which was probably to announce the presence of the boat; for several torpedo-boats make for the steamer. As there was no chance of firing from the only remaining usable tube (stern tube) I dived. The destroyers dropped about 10 depth charges; one burst pretty near the stern. The attack was rendered very difficult by the bad weather, swell, seaway 5 and rain squalls. The success of the attack was due to the excellent steering under water. Made off noiselessly to S.E. under water.
"4.45 P.M.—Rose to surface. I try to come up with the convoy again, as it is still to be seen. But a destroyer forces me under water again.
"6.37 P.M.—Rose to surface. Two destroyers prevent me from steaming up. Owing to heavy seas from S.E. it is impossible to proceed south so as to get ahead of them. Moreover, sea and swell make it impossible to fire a torpedo. Therefore gave up pursuit."
On July 19 and 20, 1918, two of our U-boats encountered a new and valuable steamer, the Justitia, of 32,120 tons, which was very strongly protected on account of its value, and which would accordingly be very difficult to sink. The account of the attacks of the two boats, " U-B 64 " and " U 54," is given below. " U-B 64 " met the steamer on July 19 and damaged her severely, while " U 54 " encountered her the next day when she was being towed into port and finished her off.
As the steamer Justitia, being new, was not on the register on board the U-boat, and the number of such large steamers is small, they thought she was the German steamer Vaterland which the Americans had rechristened Leviathan.
"July 19, 1918. 3.50 P.M.—Two destroyers in sight, course 320 degrees (N.W.). Behind the destroyers a convoy. Boat situated straight before them. Attack prepared for double shot at steamer (3 funnels, 2 masts) situated in the middle of the convoy, which numbers about 12 steamers. Protection by destroyers and submarine chasers in large numbers. Convoy zig-zags. Shortly before the shot the steamer turns towards the boat, therefore only stem shot possible. Distance 350 m.; hit behind the bridge port side.
"4.33 P.M.—British steamer Justitia, 32,120 tons in ballast. Dived. There follow 35 depth charges, that are well placed.
" 5.20 P.M.—Depth 11m. Steamer has stopped, blows off a lot of steam; apparently hit in boiler or engine. Many destroyers to protect her. Counter course for attack. Destroyers pass over the boat several times.
"6.15 P.M.—Double shot from tubes 1 and 2; distance 2,000 m. Hit midships and astern, port side of steamer, which has stopped. Dived. 23 depth charges which follow immediately on shot.
"7.3 P.M.—Rose to 11 metres depth so as to be able to look through periscope. Steamer has a list to port and is much down by the stern. Started new attack. As destroyers about all the time, cannot show periscope often. In the meantime, the steamer has been towed on a southerly course by large tugs. Steamer towed about 3—4 knots. With course 180 degrees (south) went ahead under water.
"9.48 P.M.—Fired from tube at distance 900 m. Hit on port side. Dived. On a course 0 degrees (north). 11 depth charges. Made off, as battery exhausted.
" 10.33 P.M.—Depth 11 m. Steamer being towed. List has increased, also lies lower in the water.
" 11.23 P.M.—Came to surface. Charged batteries. Reloaded bow tubes with two torpedoes.
"11.50 P.M.—After the four hits, the steamer must undoubtedly go down. It is only a matter of time until the last watertight doors give way. Towing against the sea must make her engine break away soon.
"July 20, 1918.—Before the North Channel (Irish Sea). Kept touch during the night, so as to be sure of observing sinking. As the condition of the steamer grew steadily worse, the course of the tow was altered towards morning to the south for Lough Swilly. Surface attack by night impossible because it was too light.
"4 A.M.—As it was pretty dark and there was a jumble of ships, it was particularly difficult to get in right position for attack. Before ' U-B 64 " was ready to attack, steamer was towed along again. Position very far aft. Steamer lay considerably lower. Batteries not in a condition for me to follow under water.
"5.37 A.M.—Depth of 11 m. Steamer lies athwart with considerably greater list.
"8.40 A.M.—Rose to surface. It could now be ascertained that the depth charges had badly damaged oil bunkers, so that the boat left a broad track of oil. Steamer at the moment out of sight. Wireless messages to boats in the neighbourhood.
"11 A.M.—Steamer sighted to port on course 180 degrees. Hardly possible for her to reach the coast. Steamer with heavy list can barely be moved.
" 11.30 A.M.—Observed two high, clear columns of water, closely following one another, behind steamer; must come from two torpedoes. In boat detonation of 35 depth charges was heard.
" 2.15 P.M .—Steamer sunk. On looking round ascertain that many protecting vessels, with steamer's lifeboats in tow, are making for land. Other craft have rushed to the floating debris. Made off. Many destroyers in pursuit of me." "U 54," which fired two torpedoes at the Justitia on July 20 at 11.20, reports further:
"11.32 A.M.—In the hail of depth charges that became more intense after the detonation of the first torpedo, of course no further detonation could be heard in the boat. After 122, seconds, the petty officer telegraphist noted the second hit through the submarine receiver. As I had only 2,200 amperes in the battery, I could not possibly make a further attack. I went down for half an hour and found bottom at 59 m. 20 minutes after the shot the British depth charges ceased to explode.
" 12.30 P.M.—Rose from bottom till I could use periscope on northerly course. Round about me, near by, many guardships. I immediately dived again. As I assumed they were following me with submarine sound receivers, I remained under water; continued till the large ship was safe. I proceeded north, then altered course to N.W. and then to west.
"3.51 P.M.—Rose to surface. The boat had 50 mm. pressure. As letting off air took too long, I ordered the helmsman to open the conning-tower hatch. The helmsman was blown out, and the central conductor which has a sail attached below, was blown against my arm and crushed it against the top of the conning-tower. The pain was so great that I fainted for a moment. When I heard that the helmsman saw a number of ships, I crept on to the conning-tower and saw that south and astern was full of vessels. I attributed this activity to myself and dived away again, as I could no longer risk being seen.
"6 P.M.—Rose to surface. Far in the south a smoke cloud. I ran farther west, and as soon as my batteries were pretty well charged I sent wireless messages to all U-boats giving course and possibilities of attack on Vaterland. There was no object in my following any longer, as I could not have caught her up before the North Channel.
"July 21. 10.45 A.M.—U-boat in sight; ascertained to be ' U-B 64.' Approached within hailing distance. From exchange of experiences I learnt that the day before, at 2 hr. 30 mins. 4½ sec., ' U-B 64 ' saw the Vaterland sunk by my shot, capsising on port side." In conclusion, here is the description of a fight which "U 84," commanded by Lieutenant-Commander Rohr, had with a steamer which kept her guns hidden and hoped by deceiving the U-boat to be able to surprise and sink her:
" February 22, 1917. 1.50.—Tank steamer, about 3,000 tons, with course 250 degrees, in sight. Dived. Torpedo fired from second tube; missed by 700 m.; had underestimated way. Steamer turns upon counter course. Went down. Rose to surface. Stopped her with gunfire. Steamer stops, blows off steam, crew leave the ship in two boats.
" 2.30 P.M.—Approached under water. No armament. Boats, about 8—10, are away from steamer.
" 2.49 P.M.—Rose to surface near boats Which still try to pull away from U-boat.
"2.49 P.M.—Steamer opens fire from four guns. Dive. Conning-tower hit five times: one shot through the bridge, one above the aerials, the third (4.7 cm.) goes through the conning-tower, explodes inside, nearly all apparatus destroyed. Second officer of the watch slightly wounded. Fourth shot smashed circulating water tubes; fifth shot hit a mine deflector. Abandoned conning-tower. Central hatch and speaking tube closed. As the conning-tower abandoned, the boat had to be worked from the central space below the conning-tower. The lifeboats throw depth charges to a depth of 20 m. Switch and main switchboard held in place by hand. Electric lamp over magnetic compass goes out. Boat is top-heavy and oscillates round the transverse axis [because the conning-tower was filled with water]. A number of connections between the conning-tower and hull do not remain watertight. Owing to short circuit the following fail in quick succession: gyro-compass, lamp-circuit [for lighting], main rudder, means of communication, forward horizontal rudder jams. In spite of being 14 degrees down by the stern and engines going full speed, the boat sinks by the bows to 40 m.; compressed air. To get rid of the water, rapid expulsion of air to 20 m. to - degrees to load aft. Tank No. 1 gets no compressed air. All hands in the bows to avoid breaking surface. Torpedo coxswain and No. 1 (petty officer) even counter-flood forward. Boat falls 8 degrees by the bow, and sinks to 35 m. depth. Compressed air on forward tanks.
" Meanwhile the spray (from leaks in the conning-tower) is kept off the electric apparatus by sail-cloth, waterproofs, flags, etc. The watertight auxiliary switchboard is the saving of the boat. Boat sinks down by the stern again and threatens to break surface. Steering under water no longer possible.
" 3.10 P.M. - Compressed air on all tanks. Starboard electric engine breaks down. To the guns, clear oil motors, full speed ahead! "
The commander decided, as the boat could not remain under water, to rise to the surface and chance fighting the steamer.
"The steamer is 35 hm. off and opens fire at once. Shots all round the boat. One 7.5 and one 4.7 cm. shell hit the upper deck forward of the boat's 88 cm. gun. Second officer of the watch receives other slight wounds. Replied to fire, unfortunately without telescopic sight as the conning-tower is still full of water. Distance quickly increases to 50 hm. Then the steamer follows slowly. To starboard a destroyer which opens fire at 80 hm.; shots fall short. Put on cork jackets. The intention is to continue gunfire till the boat can be sunk in the neighbourhood of a sailing vessel 8 sea miles away, to save the crew from a Baralong fate.
"3.17 P.M.—The destroyer is a ' Foxglove,' but cannot steam faster than the boat. At about 75 hm. replied to fire. The ' Foxglove ' soon begins to try and avoid shots; is hit twice, and increases the distance. Her guns only carry about 75 hm.
"3.20 P.M.—Conning-tower can be made watertight; boat cleared; ammunition for gun cleared; except conning-tower, all damage can gradually be repaired. Course 165 degrees. The 'Foxglove ' follows in our wake. Steamer lost to view. At a pinch the boat can dive, but leaves a heavy oil track behind her. If no destroyer comes before night, the boat can be saved.
"6.50 P.M.—The ' Foxglove ' has approached to 70 hm. and opens fire again. Return fire: hit. Enemy sheers off and falls back to over 100 hm.
" 8 P.M.—Twilight. Pursuit out of sight. On account of oil track zig-zag course. Run into another oil track, turned to port and gradually on course of 240 degrees.''
The boat then began her return journey and reached home without further incident.
I myself had occasion to inspect "U84,' after her return from this expedition. I realised that it was little short of a miracle that, in spite of such heavy damage, she reached home. It was chiefly due to the assurance with which the commander handled his boat, the perfect co-operation of the whole crew in these trying circumstances, and the excellent practice made by the gunners, in connection with which it must be remembered that the height of the platform of a U-boat, on which the gun is mounted, is only 2 m. above the water-level, and that aiming is thereby rendered far more difficult. Lieutenant-Commander Rohr is, unfortunately, one of the many who have not returned from their voyages. |
| Quote: | "Returned from long-distance trips. ' U 82,' ' U-B 22,' ' U-B 21,' and ' U 93.' ' U 93 ' proceeded to sea on April 13, and up to April 30 sank 27,400 tons. On April 30 had a struggle with a U-boat trap (iron-masted schooner), in the course of which the commander Lieutenant-Commander Vohr von Spiegel, the helmsman, and one petty officer were hurled overboard, and three men were badly wounded. The boat, badly damaged, unable to dive properly, and deprived of its wireless, is brought into List by Lieutenant Ziegler. ' U 46 ' is escorted to the north. ' U 58 ' reports position among mines accomplished; two steamers sunk, three damaged, in 1 degree longitude west; a great deal of convoy traffic.
'' May 10.—Scouting by our seaplanes without result. No airship observation. Mine-sweeping according to plan. Scouting Division IV protects mine-sweeping operations in the west. H.M.S. Hindenburg commissioned.
' U-C 76,' while shipping mines in Heligoland harbour badly damaged by mine explosion and sunk. Among the missing is the commander, Lieutenant-Commander Barten. Salvage-boat Oberelbe goes from the Ems to Heligoland to give assistance. ' U-C 77 ' back from long-distance expedition; ' U 46 ' has passed the danger zone U30 proceeded to the North via Terschelling.
" May 11.—Wind E., force 4—5. Seaplane scouting; nothing suspicious. No airship observation owing to easterly wind. Minesweeping according to plan. The half-flotilla occupied in sweeping mines from the route to the west, in following up a barrier of mines, has got north of its prescribed route. New mines are observed, and the leading boat of the 5th Half-Flotilla of mine-sweepers strikes a mine and sinks. Four men are missing. Among them the commander of the Half-Flotilla, Lieutenant-Commander Beste. As it has now been ascertained that the English have barred the approach from Horns Reef from N.W. by mines, the officer in command has received orders to lay mines which will bar the approach from northeast and from the west, so as to deprive the English of this meeting point, which we can do without. A further barrier of mines north of Tyl Lightship is to bar the way to mining operations against Nordmannstief. At night a group of barrier-breakers goes along the U-boat route down the Dutch coast to the west, and another group to the north. |
...and a lot more of fascinating world war 1 "war at sea - accounts", found here:
Admiral Reinhard Scheer, Commander German High Seas Fleet writing about the war at sea. 
If you miss this reading, it's your fault! 
(I've copied & pasted the whole text to a Word document, it's 235 pages long...so lean back and enjoy the e-book! ) |
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Seeteufel
Joined: 10 Aug 2005
Posts: 206
Location: Hamburg
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| Posted: Thu Sep 08, 2005 1:29 pm Post subject: |
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Extract from "SUBMARINE BOATS" - The beginnings of underwater warfare (chapter 15 - A U-Boat in peace and war).
| Quote: | Despite Allied propaganda to the effect that German underwater sailors were cowardly fiends incarnate (as upposed to the heroic, upright British submariners) U-boat crews were entirely human.
Johannes Spiess, Weddingen's Watch Officer in U-9 from 1912-1914, wrote a fascinating account of the underwater war as seen from inside a U-Boat.
His story starts on 1 October 1912 when he boarded U-9 as Watch Officer and it concludes with the dramatic action against Aboukir, Cressy and Hogue.
Submarines did not count for much then [1912]. Nothing much was expected of them because they had not been tried out and developed, while in some of the foreign navies many accidents had occured...
The boat lay at the dock and awoke in me quite indescribable feelings. The officer whom I was relieving initiated me into the multifarious duties of a submarine Watch Officer. These included the supervision of the torpedo armament with the numerous tanks and valves, general knowledge of the boat, depth-keeping, assistance to the Commanding Officer in the conning tower, caterer for the Officer's mess, Watch and signal duty at sea and in port, keeping records, etc...
Far forward, inside the pressure hull which was cylindrical, was the Forward Torpedo Room containing two torpedos. Further astern was the Warrant Officers' mess, which contained only small bunks for the Warrant Officers (Quartermaster and Machinist) and was particularly wet and cold.
Then came the Commanding Officer's cabin, fitted with only a small bunk and clothes closet, no desk being furnished. Whenever a torpedo had to be loaded forward or the tube prepared for a shot both the Warrant Officers' and the Commanding Officer's cabins had to be completly cleared out. Bunks and clothes cupboards then had to be moved into the adjascent wardroom which was no light task owing to the lack of space in the latter compartments. In order to live at all in the wardroom a certain degree of finesse was required. The Watch Officer's bunk was to small to permit him to lie on his back. He was forced to lie on one side and then, being wedged in between the bulkhead to the right and the clothes cupboard to the left, to hold fast against the movements of the boat in a seaway. The occupant of the berth could not sleep with his feet aft as there was an electric fuse box in the way. At times the cover of this box jumped open and it was all too easy to cause an electrical short circuit by touching it with one's feet. Under the sleeping compartments, as well as through the entire forward part of the vessel, were the electric accumulators which supplied current to the electric motors when submerged.
On the port side of the wardroom was the berth of the Chief Engineer, while the centre of the compartment served as a passage-way through the boat. On each side was a small upholstered bench between which a folding table could be inserted. There were also two folding camp-stools.
Further aft was the crew's space which was seperated from the Officers' wardroom by a watertight door. There was a small electric range for cooking on one side of the crew's space. The cooking question was not solved at that time since both the electric heating-coil and the oven short-circuited every time an attempt was made to use them so meals were always prepared on deck. For this purpose we had a small gasoline stove such as was common in use on the Norwegian fishing vessels. This had the particular advantage of being serviceable even in high wind.
The crew's space was equipped with bunks for only a few of the crew - the rest slept in hammocks when not on watch or on board the depot ship when in harbour. None of the living spaces were lined with wood. Since the temperature of the interior of the boat was considerably greater than the sea water outside, the moisture in the air condensed on the steel plates and formed drops which had a very disconcerting way of dripping on the face of a sleeper...efforts were made to prevent this by covering one's face with foul-weather clothing of rubber sheets. It was really like living in a damp cellar.
From a hygienic point of view the sleeping arrangements left much to be desired; one awoke in the morning with considerable mucus in the nose and frequently a so-called 'oil-head'.
The control room was abaft the crew's space, shut off by bulkheads forward and aft. Here was the gyro compass and also the depth-keeping hand-operated gear with which the boat was kept at the required depth or angle similar to a Zeppelin. Bilge pumps and blowers for emptying the ballast tanks - all electrically driven - as well as air compressors were also located here. A WC stood in one corner of the control room. It was screened by a curtain and, after seeing this arrangement, I understood why the officer I relieved had recommended the use of opium before all trips which were to last more than twelve hours.
There were four Korting paraffin engines in the engine room. They could be coupled in tandem, two to each propeller shaft. The air required to feed them was drawn in through the conning tower hatch while the exhaust led overboard through a long demountable exhaust pipe. Astern of the engines were the two electric motors for use submerged.
At the stern of the boat, right aft, was the aft torpedoroom with two stern torpedo tubes. There were no re-load torpedoes in this compartment.
The conning tower...was the battle station for the Commanding Officer and Watch Officer. Here were the two periscopes, the platform for the helmsman and the diving 'piano' which consisted of 24 levers on each side for controlling the main-vent valves. Indicators, a depth gauge and test-cocks were nearby together with voice-pipes and the electrical firing device.
Above the conning tower was a small bridge which was used when cruising under conditions which did not require the boat to be at constant readiness for diving. A rubber cover was stretched along a series of stanchions sewed into the deck; it reached chest-level.
When patrolling and ready to dive there was no protection against the seas or from the danger of being washed overboard. The Officer of the Watch then sat on the hatch coaming, the Petty Officer near him, with his feet dangling through the hatch through which the air for the engines was being drawn. I still wonder why I was not afflicted with rheumatism in spite of the leather trousers. The third man of the watch, a seaman, stood on a small three-cornered platform in the rear of the conning tower, and was lashed to his station in heavy seas.
This was the general arrangement for all sea-going boats at that time of the type U-5 to U-18 with a few exceptions. All but two of these boats are now lying at the bottom of the sea...
At that time [1912] diving was somwhat of an event, since the boat was not quite technically reliable and the manoeuvre was very troublesome, taking over five minutes.
It is an exciting moment when one stands for the first time in the conning tower and notes through the thick glass of the samll ports how thge deck becomes gradually covered with water and the boat slowly sinks. Have all openings been properly shut and is the pressure hull tight? In the clear sea water when the sun is shining air-bubbles sparkle over the boat's hull and rise as in an aquarium.
To bottom a submarine without undue shock requires a certain amount of expert handling by the Commanding Officer. The boat is brought down by the horizontal rudders until contact with the bottom is slowly made and then, after stopping the motors, the regulating tanks are flooded until the boat is heavy by several tons and remains anchored by its own weight, that is, provided that there is no strong tidal stream.
Serious tactical development was only commenced in January 1913...up to that time the submarine had been principally the subject of technical developments. From now on service on board became strenous, and more useful work was accomplished...
Most of our exercises at the time were extremly simple: depth-keeping, signal drill and cruising in formation...Once we fired torpedoes at the Friedrich Karl. At night we slept ashore in a hotel. The predisposition against sleeping on board lasted some time...
Manoeuvres at sea were mainly concerned with establishing aubmarine patrol lines...the submarines steamed behind a leader - an old torpedo-boat - and by flag signal one submarine after another was stopped, each one putting a buoy over the side and remaining stationary until the enemy came in sight whereupon it dived to attack.
Safety zones were established between the boats which lay at regular intervals. These were to prevent boats ramming each other as a result of uncertain navigation underwater. At that time the consequences of a submerged collision, as well as many other hazards, were much overrated. When such events actually occured during the war, the boats escaped with bent diving rudders or periscopes and, at times, bent guns...
During tactical exercises in the North Sea U-9 achieved considerable success. On 21 May 1913 with a salvo of four torpedoes fired one right after the other (two bow shots and two stern shots) we put three battleships out of action. The torpedo which struck the third ship, however, had an error of 15 degrees in the course angle. Originally, the two ships should have been hit by two torpedoes. This first attempt at salvo firing - Weddingen's speciality - attracted considerable attention at the time...
When a torpedo is set for a shot at an angle it does not run straight ahead after leaving the tube but turns through as many degrees to one side as the angle is off set...
...there wwas in those days a strong prejudice against deep diving. For a while it was absolutely forbidden and later we hesitated to dive deeper than 15 metres...there was also a prejudice against the use of alcohol, and no one was permitted to take a drink for one hour before diving.
On 23 June 1914 the saluting guns of a visiting English squadron boomed out in salute to the German flag over the waters of Kiel Bay...although we younger officers preferred to avoid these guests, we could not avoid attending the Reception held aboard the English flagship (HMS King George V)...the quarterdeck, where dancing was in progress, looked quite different from the decks of our own ships. An orchestra, composed of Marines in their historical red coats, played with a foreign orchestration which was something novel...
We exercised diligently...our latest exercise was the reloading of torpedoes at sea both on the surface and submerged...it is a remarkable coincidence that U-9 was the only German boat that had practised this manoeuvre in time of peace and was two months later to make use of this experience in real earnest against three Engleich armoured cruisers. No one thought at the time of such distant possibility...
On 28 July we screwed the warhead on one torpedo and removed the practice heads from the others...the situation seemed to be critical.
...on 5 August we sighted the first smoke clouds and made haste to get under water...the order to dive had to be given by word of mouth...an electric driving alarm had been diapproved on several occassions on grounds of its 'high cost'. When the Chief Engineer reported from the control room 'Crew at diving station, diving tabks are open', the Commanding Officer ordered 'Set vents for flooding, open vents; veent cocks in the tower are open.'
After I had operated the diving 'piano' I squatted down on the deck of the conning tower and, armed with a pocket flashlight, waited for the moment when only water was visible flowing through the glass-indicator tubes of the 24 main-vent ducts...When no more air bubbles were seen in the tubes I sang out 'All tanks full' and Weddingen would give the order, 'Go to periscope depth' whereupon we would try to hold to 9 metres by using the regulating tanks and opening the reserve vents in the conning tower. U-9 had no less than twelve ballast tanks of which the majority´were further subdivided in two...
On coming to the surface on the morning of the memorable 22 September...22 miles north-west of Scheveningen...the damned white paraffin fumes made U-9 visible and obscured the view...but through my prismatic glasses I glimpsed a masthead coming o´ver the horizon...could this be the first sight of the enemy? Weddingen gave the order to dive.
U-9 answered the diving rudders very well in spite of the heavy swell...I stood in the tower behind the Commanding Officer and from time to time raised the periscope for him...'Spiess,' said he, 'they are three English cruisers...'
I said, 'Revenge for the U-15'.
From now on we worked with the greatest nervous energy...the periscope was only raised for a few seconds while in the vicinity of the English...
Weddingen lined up on the centre ship and ordered 'Number One Tube, bow shot'. I unscrewed the safety cover over the electric firing button of number one tube and with my left hand operated the periscope hoist lever.
At 0720 came the order 'Up periscope...Stand by Number One Tube', then 'Fire.Down periscope.'
...it was a short shot at 500 metres so that the detonation followed 31 seconds after the command to fire...the cruiser (she was HMS Aboukir] turned slowly over to one side and disappeared beneath the wves. Meanwhile I had gone below to the Torpedo Room to reload the first tube, an operation which was effected with traines alacrity...between times a part of the crew were running back and forth under orders of the Petty Officer in charge of the trim to keep the boat horizontal with the weight of their bodies...
At 0755 I fired both bow torpedo tubes on the Captain's order...we heard 2 detonations...the range was 300 metres. By going astern on one screw we were just able to clear the stricken Hogue but with our very large turning circle, the periscope almost rubbed the side-armour.
Now the third one came on...Weddingen held on [despite the battery being almost flat] and manoeuvred to approach the third cruiser. We in the conning tower sought by cursing the English, who had incited the Japanese and all Europe against us, to dispel the humane and gruesome impression made on us by the drowning and struggling men who were in the midst of the mass of floating wreckage and clinging to overturned lifeboats.
At 0820, exactly one hour after the first shot, the two after torpedoes left the stern tube. A long interval passed...then sounded the first dull noise of a hit...
It was a long shot at 1000 metres and the victim did not sink. Weddingen then decided to fire our last torpedo at the damaged ship. At 0855 it left the tube and struck the Cressy abeam...The giant with four funnels fell slowly but surely over to port and, like ants, the crew crawled first over the side and then on to the broad flat keel until they disappeared under the water. A tragic sight for a seaman. |
And here's the other side of the story, eyewitness accounts from survivors of Aboukir, Cressy and Hogue.
| Quote: | | After the Aboukir was struck Midshipman Wykeham Musgrave, a little boy of fourteen, swam to the Cressy. We had no sooner taken him on board than our ship was struck, and he had to take to the water again. Eventually the boy was rescued after a most extraordinary experience. |
| Quote: | This is a letter from her son Hubert to Mrs. Penny of Deal, a widow, who had three sons on board the Cressy:
Just a brief message to tell you how brother Alfred and I parted as the ship took her final plunge. The scene was terrible, After the captain gave the order "Every man for himself," the sea became literally alive with men struggling and grasping what they could to support themselves, whilst, to add to the horror and the confusion, the Germans kept firing their torpedoes at us. It was a sight I shall never forget. Before I went into the water I was granted one wish, for 1 suddenly stumbled against brother Alf; and although the decks were awash, we were just permitted to shake hands and kiss each other and tell each other that, whichever got saved, he was to tell dear mother that our last thoughts were of her, We could see nothing of brother Louis, so with a hurried goodbye we plunged into the water together, and we saw no more of each other. I shall never forget that parting. I was in the water two hours before being picked up. |
| Quote: | At about half-past six in the morning on the day of the disaster I was awakened by the chaplain. I asked him the time, and he told me the Aboukir was sinking. I expressed my incredulity in one short word, and turned over to go to sleep again. But he persisted that what he had said was true, and I got up and dressed hastily in flannel shirt and trousers and great-coat and rubber boots, I knew that if I had to swim for it I could throw oft my clothes without difficulty.
Going on deck, I found that the Aboukir was going down, The weather was fine and clear, but the sea was choppy, the waves being about ten feet high. Such a sea is very favorable for the operations of submarines, As I scanned the decks of the Aboukir I noticed with admiration the wonderful order there was maintained even at that critical time, There was absolutely no sign of panic.
Our boats reached the Aboukir and took off twenty or thirty of her crew. About half an hour after being struck she turned turtle. I could see her keel above the water before she sank; there was no noise of any explosion. Before the Aboukir sank the Hogue was hit by a torpedo. By this time all the boats of the cruisers had been launched. Owing to the state of the sea it was difficult for a practiced eye and impossible for an unpracticed eye, to discern the periscope of a submarine. I cannot profess to have seen a submarine, but when our gunner fired at a submarine and the shell burst I saw two men come to the surface and swim towards us.
Within a few minutes of our firing the gun at the submarine we were struck by a torpedo on our starboard side. The effect was similar to that which would have been produced by the vessel running against a huge rock. I was rendered unsteady on my feet for the moment, although I did not actually fall. We had been getting everybody on deck, and this took some time, as the crew numbered 800 From the quarter-deck I could see that the men were throwing into the water every piece of loose timber or furniture they could find.
Every one was calm and collected; the behavior of officers and men was admirable. It was before the Cressy was struck that our gunner fired at a submarine and apparently hit it. A few minutes later the first torpedo hit us. About a quarter of an hour later a submarine was said to have fired two torpedoes at us. The first missed, but the second struck us. The Cressy was struck by two torpedoes, and then the Germans saw we were not going to sink, so they sent another torpedo into us. The second torpedo struck the ship when I was standing just outside the quarterdeck, and could hear the inrush of water. The sinking may have been about ten minutes afterwards. The second submarine was seen by our gunner, and he fired at her, but he was hampered by the fact that the men of the Aboukir and the Hogue were swimming about close by.
After the Cressy was struck the second time Captain Johnson gave the order "Every man for himself! " I was washed off by a big wave. Prior to this I had stripped myself of my clothes. I went down a considerable distance under water, and as soon as I got to the surface I took a breath and struck out, so as to avoid being drawn under by suction. I saw the Cressy keel upwards ; there were perhaps fifty men clinging to her, Some men supported themselves on hammocks, but after a time the hammocks ceased to be watertight.
Luckily I am a good swimmer, and after I had gone about a hundred yards I came across a long plank to which half a dozen men were clinging. I caught hold of it, and after I had been hanging on to it for a quarter of an hour some of the men were giving out and began to sit on the wood, forcing it under the water.
Leaving the plank, therefore, I struck out and swam on for some time till I came across a man who beckoned to me. I got to him, and found he had a table under one arm and a piece of wood under the other. He gave up the table to me. I looked round for something else to swim to, and caught sight of a fishing-smack to the windward. After a long swim I found it was getting nearer and nearer. I shouted for all I was worth, swimming all the time. At last the crew spotted me and sent their small boat, which picked me up. I was taken on board the Coriander at twenty minutes past ten, after having been in the sea for two hours and a half. Fortunately the water was not so cold as might have been expected. |
source: http://www.clarke-rowland.freeserve.co.uk/ach.htm
The site-owner claims that the attacks by U-9 were cold blooded murder, and that Weddingen was a 'Killer'...
...well, how would an English submarine commander have reacted, if the cruisers had been german, in a similar situation ?
Right, he would have done the same...
(...One cruiser hit - sinking...two others rushing for help...presenting themselves as targets...what a chance!...)
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On Topic : http://www.worldwar1.co.uk/cressy.htm |
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Seeteufel
Joined: 10 Aug 2005
Posts: 206
Location: Hamburg
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| Posted: Sat Sep 10, 2005 5:57 am Post subject: |
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| Quote: | Adolf K.G.E. von Spiegel commanded a German U-boat during the First World War. He published his memoirs in 1919. Here he describes the attack on a cargo vessel in April 1916.
"The steamer appeared to be close to us and looked colossal. I saw the captain walking on his bridge, a small whistle in his mouth. I saw the crew cleaning the deck forward, and I saw, with surprise and a slight shudder, long rows of wooden partitions right along all decks, from which gleamed the shining black and brown backs of horses."
'Oh heavens, horses! What a pity, those lovely beasts!'
'But it cannot be helped,' I went on thinking. 'War is war, and every horse the fewer on the Western front is a reduction of England's fighting power.' I must acknowledge, however, that the
Cramped quarters thought of what must come was a most unpleasant one, and I will describe what happened as briefly as possible."
'Stand by for firing a torpedo!' I called down to the control room.'
'FIRE!'
" A slight tremor went through the boat - the torpedo had gone."
"The death-bringing shot was a true one, and the torpedo ran towards the doomed ship at high speed. I could follow its course exactly by the light streak of bubbles which was left in its wake."
"I saw that the bubble-track of the torpedo had been discovered on the bridge of the steamer, as frightened arms pointed towards the water and the captain put his hands in front of his eyes and waited resignedly. Then a frightful explosion followed, and we were all thrown against one another by the concussion, and then, like Vulcan, huge and majestic, a column of water two hundred metres high and fifty metres broad, terrible in its beauty and power, shot up to the heavens."
'Hit abaft the second funnel,' I shouted down to the control room."
"All her decks were visible to me. From all the hatchways a storming, despairing mass of men were fighting their way on deck, grimy stokers, officers, soldiers, groom, cooks. They all rushed, ran, screamed for boats, tore and thrust one another from the ladders leading down to them, fought for the lifebelts and jostled one another on the sloping deck. All amongst them, rearing, slipping horses are wedged. The starboard boats could not be lowered on account of the list; everyone therefore ran across to the port boats, which in the hurry and panic, had been lowered with great stupidity either half full or overcrowded. The men left behind were wringing their hands in despair and running to and fro along the decks; finally they threw themselves into the water so as to swim to the boats."
"Then - a second explosion, followed by the escape of white hissing steam from all hatchways and scuttles. The white steam drove the horses mad. I saw a beautiful long-tailed dapple-grey horse take a mighty leap over the berthing rails and land into a fully laden boat. At that point I could not bear the sight any longer, and I lowered the periscope and dived deep."
References:
Hough, R., The Great War at Sea (1983); Spiegel, Adolf K.G.E. von, U-boat 202 (1919). |
source: http://www.eyewitnesstohistory.com/sub.htm |
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Seeteufel
Joined: 10 Aug 2005
Posts: 206
Location: Hamburg
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